The first part of an epic trilogy, Henry Smart’s odyssey through crucial events in Irish history as he finds himself cast alongside its pivotal players, is a masterpiece of modern fiction. Spat into the slum tenements of Dublin then hardened with the rebels headquartered in the city’s General Post Office during the 1916 Easter Rising, Henry runs, kills, cycles and loves his way through revolutionary Ireland until he is forced to flee the very state he has helped to create. If you only ever read one book about Ireland, read this one. a .PDF file of 'The Green Book' volumes 1 and 2, used for training by the Provisional IRA (Irish Republican Army). In 1977 the IRA evolved a new strategy which they called the "Long War", which would remain their strategy for the rest of the Troubles. [135] [136] This strategy accepted that their campaign would last many years before being successful, and included increased emphasis on political activity through Sinn Féin. [137] [138] A republican document of the early 1980s states "Both Sinn Féin and the IRA play different but converging roles in the war of national liberation. The Irish Republican Army wages an armed campaign ... Sinn Féin maintains the propaganda war and is the public and political voice of the movement". [139] The 1977 edition of the Green Book, an induction and training manual used by the IRA, describes the strategy of the "Long War" in these terms: O'Leary, Brendan (2019a). A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume I: Colonialism. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199243341. Campbell, Anne (24 February 2015). " 'No info' provos involved in crimes". Irish Independent . Retrieved 25 August 2020.

Carlin said: “He went on to explain how valuable the information was when it came to military planning and counter-terrorism on the UK mainland. This information, Stephen stressed, would calm the minds of those anti-terrorist commanders in Scotland. He was clearly delighted.” McGladdery, Gary (2006). The Provisional IRA in England: The Bombing Campaign 1973–1997. Irish Academic Press. ISBN 9780716533733.A former IRA man sheltering in Nazi Germany, where he works as a lecturer, is parachuted into England to make preparations for a Luftwaffe parachute unit, disguised as Polish soldiers, tasked with capturing or killing Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill. These adverts enable local businesses to get in front of their target audience – the local community. Tim Pat Coogan’s classic The IRA provides the only fair-minded, comprehensive history of the organization that has transformed the Irish nationalist movement this century. With clarity and detachment, Coogan examines the IRA’s origins, its foreign links, the bombing campaigns, hunger strikes and sectarian violence, and now their role in the latest attempt to bring peace to Northern Ireland.

Gearóid Ó Faoleán (23 April 2019). A Broad Church: The Provisional IRA in the Republic of Ireland, 1969–1980. Merrion Press. p.79. ISBN 978-1-7853-7245-2. Film based on A.F.N. Clarke's experiences as a Parachute Regiment officer in 1970s Northern Ireland There were occasional exceptions to this, there are several instances of female IRA volunteers being permitted to ask for bail and/or present a defence. This generally happened where the volunteer had children whose father was dead or imprisoned. There are some other cases where male IRA volunteers were permitted to present a defence. [304] Gearóid Ó Faoleán (23 April 2019). A Broad Church: The Provisional IRA in the Republic of Ireland, 1969–1980. Merrion Press. p.78. ISBN 978-1-7853-7245-2. Leadership positions Martin McGuinness was reported to have held in the IRA include officer commanding (OC) of the Derry Brigade (1970–1971), director of operations (1972), OC of Northern Command (1976), member of the Army Council (1977 onwards), and chief-of-staff (late 1970s–1982). [322] [323]Dingley, James (2012). The IRA: The Irish Republican Army. Praeger Publishing. ISBN 978-0313387036. Sheehy, Kevin (2008). More Questions Than Answers: Reflections on a Life in the RUC. Gill & Macmillan. ISBN 978-0717143962. Thirty-five people implicated by Gilmour were acquitted following a six-month trial in 1984, with Lord Lowry, the Lord Chief Justice of Northern Ireland, describing Gilmour as a "man to whose lips a lie invariably came more naturally than the truth". [416] While some convictions were obtained in other supergrass trials, the verdicts were overturned by Northern Ireland's Court of Appeal. This was due to convictions being based solely on the evidence of dubious witnesses, as most supergrasses were paramilitaries giving evidence in return for a shorter prison sentence or immunity from prosecution. [417] The Provisional IRA rejected the legitimacy of the Republic of Ireland, instead claiming its Army Council to be the provisional government of the revolutionary Irish Republic. [4]

Though it is clear that Coogan is a fan of his subject, he never loses balance and criticises Collins where he sees fit. The reason I’ve chosen this is as much for its general history of the period as its subject, undoubtedly the conflict’s most famous individual. Coogan portrays a complex man, who was undeniably ruthless, yet was also charismatic, intelligent and pragmatic. Of course any advances in the cause of equal political representation between men and women is something that deserves celebration – but spare a thought for the handful of Cumann na mBan women who died for that same cause, but who are now largely forgotten. Cumann na mBan: a military force? Cumann na mBan marching in uniform. White, Robert (1993). Provisional Irish Republicans: An Oral and Interpretive History. Praeger Publishing. ISBN 978-0313285646. Following the enrollment of women in the Irish Citizen Army in 1913 and the formation of Cumann na mBan in 1914, female republicans were eager to carry arms and take the same risks as their male comrades. However, during the 1916 Rising republican women were usually confined to cooking, first aid, messaging and signalling duties in support of male combatants. White, Robert (2006). Ruairí Ó Brádaigh: The Life and Politics of an Irish Revolutionary. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0253347084.

Inside story: Why the IRA never attacked Scotland

Rose referred to her radicalization as “a calm political act,” but no one at the time seems to have heard her: the media of the 1970s painted her as the dupe of her socialist boyfriend, ignoring her Oxford degree and doctorate in economics, her political convictions. Paddy Clancy (31 December 2021). "Libyan leader Gaddafi's IRA support revealed in secret Irish State Papers". Irish Central. A study in 1999 showed amongst Catholics in Northern Ireland, 42% of respondents expressed sympathy with republican violence while 52% said they had no sympathy. The same study found 39.7% of respondents in the Republic of Ireland sympathised with republican violence. [390] Goodspeed, Michael (2001). When Reason Fails: Portraits of Armies at War - America, Britain, Israel and the Future (Studies in Military History and International Affairs). Praeger Publishing. ISBN 978-0275973780.

Armstrong, Charles I.; Herbert, David; Mustad, Jan Erik (2019). The Legacy of the Good Friday Agreement: Northern Irish Politics, Culture and Art after 1998. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-3319912318. Independent Monitoring Commission (October 2006). "Twelfth report of the Independent Monitoring Commission" (PDF). The Stationery Office . Retrieved 25 August 2020. The Northern Irish conflict revolutionized the exploitation of women in visual imagery for propaganda purposes. The imagery of banging bin lids, transporting bombs in prams, or indeed preventing sons from being arrested were subtle attempts to elude to the expectations of republican motherhood. Although forbidden from fighting on the battlefield, republican women were still at risk of serious injury from their encounters with the British Forces and at least two Cumann na mBan women – Josie McGowan and Margaret Keogh were killed during that conflict. IRA Volunteer Terry Sullivan (Mills) become disillusioned with a bombing campaign of London during the Second World War.There was also the issue of friends and relatives of Irish people living, working and studying in Scotland. “It just wouldn’t have worked,” Carlin added. It’s tempting, at this point in the narrative, to insert Americans as the heroic deus ex machina, in the rare postwar deployment of U.S. power abroad that went pretty well: we came, this time, bearing a plan for peace. That fable is not entirely false. O’Toole writes that what President Bill Clinton, in particular, brought to the process was “drama”—a sense that stalemate was not inevitable, that the cycle could be broken, and that the world was watching. Clinton worked room after room in Belfast and Derry, quoting lines from Seamus Heaney. There was more at work, of course, including the influence of the E.U., which offered venues for Anglo-Irish diplomacy. A focus on Adams’s scheming can obscure the crucial work of other nationalist groups, such as Northern Ireland’s Social Democratic and Labour Party and the S.D.L.P. leader John Hume, who agitated for Irish unification without killing people. (Hume shared the 1998 Nobel Peace Prize with the unionist David Trimble.)