Pure Invention': How Japan's pop culture became the 'lingua franca' of the internet". The Japan Times. 2020-07-18. Archived from the original on 2021-12-14 . Retrieved 2021-12-12. Nye, Joseph S. (2010). "The future of soft power in US foreign policy". Soft Power and US Foreign Policy. Routledge. pp.16–23. Mattern, Janice Bially (2006). "Why Soft Power Isn't So Soft," in Berenskoetter & Williams (see under "Lukes") Sobrinho, Blasco José (2001). Signs, Solidarities, and Sociology: Charles S. Peirce and the Pragmatics of Globalization. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. p.115. ISBN 9780847691791 . Retrieved 16 March 2023. [...] the notion of a 'second face of power'" — less 'obvious' to empirical observation — introduced in 1962 by Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz in 'The Two Faces of Power.' The views of Bachrach and Baratz, presented comprehensively in their 1970 book Power and Poverty drew [...] upon post-empiricist (post-positivist) philosophy of science to argue that [...] social science should consider those aspects of political life that are covert and 'nonobvious.' [...] Bachrach and Baratz put forward the concept of the 'nondecision,' which they defined as 'a decision that results in suppression or thwarting of a latent or manifest challenge to the values or interests of the decision-maker.'

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Iranian soft power is inextricably linked to the country’s revolutionary ideology and imperial legacy as a Persian power. It is deeply shaped by Ayatollah Khomeini’s interpretation of political rule within Twelver Shia Islam, the dominant sect in Iran, which he believed was the most effective way to create an ideal Islamic government. Khomeini’s concept of the Islamic revolution was not confined to Iran but included exporting the ideology abroad. 5 Khomeini’s maxim “neither East nor West but Islamic Republic” highlighted the juxtaposition of Iran’s culture with those of the East and West. Soft power in Iran is top-down and concentrated in the hands of the supreme leader and other government officials. Iranian officials have attempted to control the spread of Iranian cultural and political values throughout the Middle East and other regions, including Persian-speaking populations in Central Asia, Shia minorities in the Middle East and South Asia, and Shia and non-Shia populations in Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe, and North America. 6 There are also recent articles about the concept's neglect of its defensive use. Since Nye's approach "mainly focuses on how to get others to do your bidding", some researchers argued that rising powers, such as China, are creating new approaches to soft power, thus using it defensively. [16] Today the most important foreign challenge that we are faced with has been imposed by America. There is no doubt in this regard. The west has had plans for the Middle East since the 19th century because the Middle East region connects the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean. The Mediterranean Sea was where colonial governments used to deploy their forces and the Indian Ocean was where their colonies were located. And the Middle East was the region that connected these two locations to one another and they could not afford to ignore it.” (Speech to government officials, 2006) The Islamic Development Organization (IDO), which publishes religious and other material and sends missionaries abroad; Henry John Hyde, Republican member of US House of Representatives at the time, wrote in an article in 2002 that “larger purpose of our public diplomacy efforts should be to provide objective news and information, to convey an accurate and positive image of America, and to present and explain US foreign policy.” (Hyde, 2002)Robert Gilpin, War and Change in International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). China's 2020 target: reshaping global mobility flows". EAIE. 2020-01-27. Archived from the original on 2021-10-10 . Retrieved 2020-05-05. Geographically, the Islamic Ummah is located in a very strategic spot - namely, the Middle East, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, North Africa, and parts of the Mediterranean region. That is an enormous area of land. Out of the 5 or 6 vital channels in the world, three are located in this region - namely, the Strait of Hormuz, the Suez Canal, and the Bab al-Mandeb Strait. These are strategic channels, and world trade depends on them. Just take a map of the world and look at it. You will see what these few channels mean for global trade and global economy. Therefore, this region is a strategic region.” (Speech to students and scientific elites, 2009) Nagata, Kazuaki (7 September 2010). "Anime makes Japan a cultural superpower"– via Japan Times Online. Ayatollah Khamenei defines soft war as a ‘subtle warfare’ which is more dangerous than military wars (Speech to members of IRGC, 2011); describing that the soft war is an ongoing reality, (Speech to poets, 2009) which has been the issue for the last three decades. (Speech to students, 2012) He further highlights that, compared to military wars, “awareness of the depths of this war requires more capability and more vigilance.” (Speech to members of IRGC, 2011)

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Nye, Joseph S. (2004a). Soft Power: The Means To Success In World Politics. Hachette UK (published 2009). ISBN 9780786738960. Archived from the original on 11 October 2022 . Retrieved 1 March 2020– via Google Books. The idea of soft war seems to be a counterargument for Joseph Nye’s theory of Soft Power. This article tries to look at the two ideas and find how they are applied in US policies towards the Middle East. The idea of soft power and its implications in foreign policy are discussed first using Nye’s and other researchers works; and further, the idea of soft war is reviewed by going through excerpts from Ayatollah Khamenei’s speeches and remarks. Iranian leaders have regularly remarked that they are engaged in soft war, or jang-e narm, with the West—especially the United States. The Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting The third dimension of public diplomacy is the development of lasting relationships with key individuals over many years through scholarships, exchanges, training, seminars, conferences, and access to media channels.” (Nye, 2004)Ayatollah Khamenei also considers the strategic importance of the Middle East region to the United States and other western powers in their soft warfare: Parmar and Cox consider soft power as “an effective means of preserving American hegemony by legitimizing US dominance and reassuring other states that the USA will not abuse its preponderant power.” (Parmar, Cox, 2010) The Soft Power 30 - A Global Ranking of Soft Power" (PDF). Portland. July 2015. Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 July 2015 . Retrieved 17 July 2015. The World Forum for Proximity of Islamic Schools of Thought, which oversees relations with non-Shia Muslims;

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Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992). Also see Richard Rosecrance, “A New Concert of Powers,” Foreign Affairs (Spring 1992). On the increase in the number of low-intensity conflicts opposing state and/or non-state actors after the end of the Cold War, see Bertrand Badie and Marie-Claude Smouts, Le retournement du monde. Sociologie des relations internationales, 3rd edition (Paris: Presses de Sciences Po—Dalloz, 1999). Eliküçük Yıldırım, Nilgün; Aslan, Mesut (2020). "China's Charm Defensive: Image Protection by Acquiring Mass Entertainment". Pacific Focus. 35 (1): 141–171. doi: 10.1111/pafo.12153. Roussel, Frédérique (2006-02-23). "Thierry Breton, intelligence artificielle"[Thierry Breton, artificial intelligence]. Libération.fr (in French). Libération . Retrieved 2019-10-19. The Soft Power 30, which includes a foreword by Joseph Nye, is a ranking of countries' soft power produced and published by the media company Portland in 2015. The ranking is based on "the quality of a country’s political institutions, the extent of their cultural appeal, the strength of their diplomatic network, the global reputation of their higher education system, the attractiveness of their economic model, and a country’s digital engagement with the world." [20] [21] [22]these lines, positions continue to rely on a discourse of firmness or even intransigence, but the conditions justifying that major powers have recourse to armed force to face one another are increasingly difficult to bring together. I would add a certain interdependence, often mentioned in the case of the Washington-Beijing relationship, but no less obvious if one looks closely at the relationships between other major powers that are nonetheless often described as rivals and supposedly on the verge of war, like China and Japan. Under increasing scrutiny for their warlike posturing, these two countries remain closely associated economically, in particular in the context of negotiations on the establishment of a free trade agreement. Beijing and Tokyo are fighting a battle of influence and leadership in Asia in which the importance given to armed forces seems to come more from nationalist rhetoric than any real strategic ambition. It is no doubt normal that these two powers are suspicious of each other, as the weight of the past is still very present. However, it would be an exaggeration or a mistake to see them as being on the verge of war, especially if it were to be triggered by a long-standing disagreement over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands that, although they agitate nationalist militants in China and Japan, do not justify a full-scale conflict. Gallarotti, Giulio (2010). Cosmopolitan Power in International Relations: A Synthesis of Realism, Neoliberalism, and Constructivism, NY: Cambridge University Press. How hard and soft power can be combined to optimize national power. Its usefulness (Giulio Gallarotti, Niall Ferguson, Josef Joffe, Robert Kagan, Ken Waltz, Mearsheimer vs Nye, Katzenstein, Janice Bially Mattern, Jacques Hymans, Alexander Vuving, Jan Mellisen)

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Korean wave spreads overseas". BBC News. 2011-04-27. Archived from the original on 2021-10-05 . Retrieved 2021-10-05. The much larger concern is that by classifying more activities as warfare, we run the risk of exacerbating an already aggressive penchant within the U.S. for war. This is a valid concern, and not one that can be answered by any one individual; it requires a cultural change in how readily the U.S. responds to aggression with armed conflict. However, given that some war hawks in the U.S. are already calling for “holding [China] accountable” over the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, and the North Atlantic Treat Organization (NATO) has already warned of a Chinese buying spree after the pandemic, the U.S. must adopt a more clear language to not only re-seize control of its national narrative from domestic war hawks, but also protect its power projection abroad. Faiola, Anthony (August 31, 2006). "Japanese Women Catch the 'Korean Wave' ". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on January 21, 2011 . Retrieved May 7, 2010. Nye, Joseph (3 May 2004b). "Europe's Soft Power". The Globalist. Archived from the original on 8 December 2015 . Retrieved 30 July 2015. Doobo, Shim (2018). " "Efficacy of Korean Wave: beyond industry, beyond superpower." " (PDF). {{ cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= ( help)Yano, Christine R. (2009). "Wink on Pink: Interpreting Japanese Cute as It Grabs the Global Headlines". The Journal of Asian Studies. 68 (3): 681–688. doi: 10.1017/S0021911809990015. Surowiec, Pawel, and Philip Long. "Hybridity and Soft Power Statecraft: The ‘GREAT’ Campaign." Diplomacy & Statecraft 31:1 (2020): 1-28. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2020.1721092. online review Copy Courmont, Barthélemy. «L’ère des « soft wars » : l’exemple Washington-Beijing», Revue internationale et stratégique, vol. 104, no. 4, 2016, pp. 6-16. Asia and more recently China have been working to use the potential soft power assets that are present in the admiration of their ancient cultures, arts, fashion and cuisine. [45] China is presenting itself as a defender of national sovereignty, [46] which became an issue after the NATO air campaign to oust Colonel Muammar Gaddafi and NATO's support of the rebels in Libya. [47] The Chinese are also competing with the United States to gain influence throughout the South Pacific, however some commentators have said their recent assertiveness in this region has created an appeal for nations in this region to align with the United States thus increasing U.S. soft power in this area. [48]