Si bien Estados Unidos puede tolerar la desobediencia de Turquía —aunque con disgusto—, China es más difícil de pasar por alto. La prensa advierte que «los inversores y comerciantes de China están ahora llenando un vacío en Irán en un momento en el que empresas de otras muchas naciones, sobre todo de Europa, se retiran» y, en particular, que China está expandiendo su papel dominante en las industrias de energía de Irán.19 Washington está reaccionando con un punto de desesperación. El Departamento de Estado advirtió a China que si quiere ser aceptada en la «comunidad internacional» —un término técnico para referirse a Estados Unidos y quien esté de acuerdo con él— no debe «esquivar y evadir las responsabilidades internacionales, [que] son claras», a saber: seguir las órdenes de Estados Unidos.20 Es poco probable que eso impresione mucho a China. También” His first case charges “sloppiness” in my observation that the Obama administration was considering reviving military commissions while in fact they continued to operate. The observation was accurate: it referred, explicitly, to what the Obama administration was considering in 2009, citing the news reports of May 2009.

Fierce, unsparing, and meticulously documented, Who Rules the World? delivers the indispensable understanding of the central issues of our time that we have come to expect from Chomsky. The Turkish public was not alone. Global opposition to US-UK aggression was overwhelming. Support for Washington’s war plans scarcely reached 10% almost anywhere, according to international polls. Opposition sparked huge worldwide protests, in the United States as well, probably the first time in history that imperial aggression was strongly protested even before it was officially launched. it is more gratifying to bask in praise for courageously protesting the abuses of official enemies: a fine activity, but not the priority of a value-oriented intellectual who takes the responsibilities of that stance seriously.” Entrambi sostenevano (Edward Bernays e Walter Lippmann) che i cittadini devono essere <>, ossia marginalizzati e tenuti sotto controllo, nel loro stesso interesse ovviamente. La gente è troppo <> per consentirle di gestire autonomamente i propri affari. Quel compito spetta invece alla <>, che va protetta <>, dagli <>; insomma dalla <>, come la chiamavano i loro predecessori del diciassettesimo secolo. I cittadini devono essere <>, non <>, in una democrazia che funzioni a dovere.” From the dark history of the US and Cuba to China's global rise, from torture memos to sanctions on Iran, this book investigates the defining issues of our times and exposes the hypocrisy at the heart of America's policies and actions. The world's political and financial elite are now operating almost totally unconstrained by the so-called democratic structure. With climate change and nuclear proliferation threatening our very survival, dissenting voices have never been more necessary.Then the author explains how the US needs to maintain its hegemony by supporting dictatorships and turning them into puppets, like the Arab rulers. The Arab Spring was a huge risk to the United States’ control over these countries but through intervention, they succeeded to let the power remain in the hands of the dictatorship regimes by only changing one person while everything else remained the same. Egypt is a clear example in which military dictatorship has been restored. Another example is in 1953 when the US and England organized a military coup to overthrow Iran’s parliamentary government and install the dictatorship of the shah who had a vast record of crimes that were reported by Amnesty International and human rights organizations, but the Western readers as per the author do not get to read or know about these reports in the press but only from 1979 when the Shah’s regime was overthrown. In other words, all dictatorships will be supported and remain in power as long as they are puppets of “the world” and work towards imperialist goals set for them!

Barsky, Robert, The Chomsky Effect: A Radical Works Beyond the Ivory Tower (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2007) I don't agree with [this] assumption. The major journals are, I think, an indispensable source of information. They do of course reflect particularly perspectives, but careful reading and when relevant investigation of other sources can compensate for that. Book Review: American Energy Cinema, ed. by Robert Lifset, Raechel Lutz, and Sarah Stanford-McIntyre Chomsky cites the rise of the Islamic State (ISIS) in Iraq, which he says is “a direct outgrowth” of George W. Bush’s invasion. There is no doubt that the invasion and subsequent occupation and dismantling of the state were a disaster that greatly contributed to the rise of ISIS in Iraq, where it now controls the country’s second-largest city, Mosul. But that ascendancy is also the product of many other factors, such as the discriminatory and abusive laws and policies against Sunnis by the government of former prime minister Nouri al-Maliki. Its indiscriminate bombing of Sunni areas and other sectarian abuses after the withdrawal of US troops at the end of 2011, well before the rise of ISIS, led many Sunnis to see ISIS as a lesser evil.Dogged original research and superb narrative skills come together in this gripping account of pitiless evil. In fact, the US stand is far stronger. It does not tolerate what is officially called “successful defiance” of the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which declared (but could not yet implement) US control of the hemisphere. And a small country that carries out such successful defiance may be subjected to “the terrors of the earth” and a crushing embargo – as happened to Cuba. Ninety-five percent of Turks opposed that course of action and, to the amazement and horror of Washington, the Turkish government adhered to their views. Turkey was bitterly condemned for this departure from responsible behavior. Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, designated by the press as the “idealist-in-chief” of the administration, berated the Turkish military for permitting the malfeasance of the government and demanded an apology. Unperturbed by these and innumerable other illustrations of our fabled “yearning for democracy”, respectable commentary continued to laud President George W Bush for his dedication to “democracy promotion”, or sometimes criticized him for his naivete in thinking that an outside power could impose its democratic yearnings on others.

It is possible that, if the United States goes the way of nineteenth-century Britain, Chomsky's interpretation will be the standard among historians a hundred years from now." —The New Yorker Nato enlargement began at once, in violation of verbal assurances to Gorbachev that Nato forces would not move “one inch to the east” after he agreed that a unified Germany could become a Nato member – a remarkable concession, in the light of history. That discussion kept to East Germany. The possibility that Nato might expand beyond Germany was not discussed with Gorbachev, even if privately considered. In the process, Chomsky provides a brilliant anatomy of just how U.S. elites have grown ever more insulated from any democratic constraints on their power. While the broader population is lulled into apathy—diverted to consumerism or hatred of the vulnerable—the corporations & the rich have increasingly been allowed to do as they please.In the 1950s, President Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles explained quite clearly the dilemma that the United States faced. They complained that the Communists had an unfair advantage: they were able to "appeal directly to the masses" and "get control of mass movements, something we have no capacity to duplicate. The poor people are the ones they appeal to and they have always wanted to plunder the rich." Book Genre: Economics, History, International Relations, Nonfiction, Philosophy, Political Science, Politics, Sociology, War